The restoration of an independent state is our current task, to which all our efforts are connected . It is a political task in the real sense of the word . Do not miss the end of the struggle for Lithuania’s freedom, but it does not lose its reputation.
Already for 40 years, with the exception of the third occupation of Germany, Lithuania together with the common fate of neighbors Estonia and Latvia was dragging the yoke of Soviet prisoners. This sad and busy anniversary brought the Swedish liberal daily Dagens Nyheter, neighbor of the more prosperous future of Sweden, to send his correspondent to the Baltic republics and instead check that the longing of freedom in these peoples is still alive, about which the relatively large and influential Baltic emigrants speak in the West. Staffan Teste, a special correspondent from Dagens Nyheter, showed quite clearly two points in his Lithuanian report from Lithuania: an impressive battle between the Lithuanian Catholics for fundamental human rights and the defense of Lithuanian national identity (DN, 1980, VI.22).
The search for the Swedish daily and the retrieval of his correspondent have a profound meaning from one point of view: today’s struggles for our freedom are not so obvious that there is no doubt, but to dispel them, even a very superficial look, if the observer is not completely indifferent or blind to these struggles.
Any knowledge requires interest and effort. If the struggles of today’s freedom of Lithuania are too little known in the world, this is not because the people have already been reconciled with the jungle and no longer succeeded, but due to the lack of effort and willingness to learn this history of the struggles. Therefore, the four-decade anniversary is a good incentive to break through the prevailing indifference and ignorance. First of all, this is an impetus and we do not keep ourselves from the Lithuanian reality. It is necessary to constantly return to the near and far future so that our meaning and goals can be more clearly revealed in our consciousness and in order to better understand what is happening now.
40 years after the loss of independence of Lithuania is a significant time span not only for the individual life of a person but also of the whole nation. In the course of time, much in the nation changes with the changing generations and the unparalleled battle of happiness. It is no longer possible to speak of this latest period of freedom struggles in Lithuania only in the light of the events of 1939-40. To look at it, the perspective of time that opens in 1918 is not enough. with the twentieth anniversary of Lithuania’s independence. The forty years of decline are part of the nation’s history and must be visible in its light.
The whole history of the Lithuanian nation is an unequivocal proof of statehood: either we had our state, or we have been fighting for it. Only in the late Middle Ages, in the history of the Middle Ages, recorded its name in the Nemunas country, pressed from all sides, directed its state power in the slightest opposition, took over the vast lands of the eastern Slavs, created the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. After the reunification with Poland, the old Lithuanian state was about half a millennium European power, ensuring peace, order and balance of power in the East European space.
In modern times, Lithuanian statehood, having turned its back in the course of a historical destiny, is characterized by continuous efforts to regain its state. This situation has already lasted for almost two centuries. Except for an independent 20th century in this century, since the 18th century By the end we carry the bonds of the yoke of an alien state, from the generation to generation we transmit the indisputable hope of freedom and determination to live in our own country. Every year, it is the fire of Lithuanian resistance struggles and freedom hikes.
The fortieth birthday of the Lithuanian Freedom Fighters, which we mark, is a significant link in the long chain of historical fights. It began with the Kosciuska uprising on the eve of the last division of Lithuania-Poland, followed by Napoleonic-era fighters in 1831 and 1863-64. Rebels, book readers and caretakers of the War Book, retired, belligerents, watchdogs, 1905 Non-Valuable Signatories of the 16 February Actors and Independence Soldiers Volunteers-Developers.
In this chain of varying freedoms, Lithuania, in defense of its historical statehood, reborn and matured in the nineteenth century as a new nation state ideal, for which a major part of this ending 20th century is fighting decisively. In addition to previous battles, defeats and achievements, our present struggles would not be possible and imagined.
The collapse of the quasar German and Czarist Russia at the end of the First World War created favorable historical conditions for partially pursuing the goal of an independent Lithuania. The vital problems of the Lithuanian state affecting the capital Vilnius and the port city of Klaipėda were not yet resolved satisfactorily when the Russian occupation of Lithuania on June 15, 1940 turned the history circle back.
Against the backdrop of the fierce fighting of Lithuania’s statehood, it has not yet been seen, although 40 years have passed. It is also a continuation of the 120 years of fighting, but also a completely new historical stage. In the light of historical continuity, the characteristic features of the recent period, which distinguishes it from others, are unparalleled, in their own way extend the emerging political struggle tradition.
For the second century, we are fighting for our country with the same eastern neighbor – Russia. It’s the same and not the same enemy. At the same time, in 120 years, Russia had to defend itself against the rule of the Tsar, Orthodoxy and the attainment of an open rust. Today it is necessary to defend itself against the Red Russia, which has changed the tsarist rule into the dictatorship of the totalitarian party, orthodoxy to inferiority, and the rules of rusting are carefully concealed. Although this is a completely different Russia, however, the threat to us has not essentially changed.
It is not so important to us whether the statehood of Lithuania is constrained by royal domination or communist totalism. It is not so important for us whether Lithuanian Catholicism and religious affiliation are in the favor of Russian Orthodoxy or inferiority. It is not so important for us to try to crush us openly or cunningly. But it is imperative for us that our most precious values are suppressed: statehood, freedom of religion, and Lithuanianship. Today’s communist Moscow yoke is no different from the tsarism, as an attempt on the most important of our values. If, then, Lithuania, being in a much weaker position, does not stand back in 120 years to resist the eastern neighbor’s yoke, how could it have been able to resist over the past 30 years, being much stronger and better off than ever?
Enforced on January The Union, Lithuania did not lose its full statehood, as in the time of the Tsar. The formal signs of the state have remained. There is a government of its own, albeit obedient Moscow tool. From a territorial integrity point of view, the situation has even improved: since 1945 After a long separation, Vilnius and Klaipeda share the same fate with other regions of Lithuania in a common, though not independent, republic. The unilateral effect of Moscow’s influence on our geopolitical space has helped to neutralize the claims of Poland and Germany to Vilnius and Klaipėda, against which independent Lithuania was helpless. Finally, the people, only recently reborn and experienced the bliss of independence, are more conscious.
In the nineteenth century, the Lithuanian nation had come to a standstill. Soluble dissolving in the neighboring nations, it was lean and easily slipped off the road of creeping. Today the situation in Lithuania is different. Except for icing, other active fattening factors (remission, hardening) no longer appear. Not only the increased resistance of Lithuanians but the peculiar and official Soviet ideology, recognizing the “national form of socialist content”, contributes to the successful conquest of Soviet latency.
In the first decade of the current occupation, due to the Stalinist massive terror and Nazi rage, Lithuania lost a third of its population. In the second decade, the country recovered after a demographic disaster, and at the end of the 40s even demanded the population level in the 1940s. The population of Lithuanians maintained its prevailing position, accounting for 4/5 of the total population. Moreover, they were much better off for demographic rushing than our neighbors. The failure of Latvia and Estonia in this area helps Lithuanians better understand this danger and defend it. However, the number of births has declined dramatically in recent years. It weakens the biological resistance of the inside of the nation.
The enemy is essentially the same, its goals are very clear to us. The beginnings of Lithuanian statehood are much stronger today than in the near future. Both of these circumstances were very favorable to the struggle for national resistance that was led by our generations. But there are circumstances that make the struggle today: the harder. It depends on both the enemy and us.
The tsarist policy of enslavement and russification of Lithuania was not deep-seated and systematic as the Soviet one. It was purely reactionary, based on revenge and dictated by the brutal fighting. Corrupted for 1831 the tsarist officials suppressed the cultural life of Lithuania, and after 1863-64, The insurrection attempted to reorganize its social structure in Lithuania by
means of the abolition of the war.
In improving the situation of independent peasants, the czarist politicians sought to finally open the Lithuanians from the Poles and, together, grab the Russians. The royal oppression began in the purely political sphere and gradually, in a certain way, led to the resistance of Lithuanians, expanded in the cultural and social sphere. Meanwhile, totalitarian communism provided the oldest policy of Russian imperialism as a perfect tool for conquest and oppression. Red Moscow, from the very first day of its occupation in occupied Lithuania, has not provoked any resistance at all, immediately launched a joint attack on all fronts. She does this cold, deliberately, in pursuing a totalitarian ideology based on materialist outlook and violence. No more important area of the nation’s life is left alone. They are all pressed by a powerful oppressive device. It is much harder for a small nation to resist such a concentrated and systematic attack. In this regard, the current struggle for freedom of Lithuania takes place under more difficult conditions than in the tsarist times.
Another factor to be noted. During the Caro times, there were very few collaborators in Lithuania who helped Moscow to pursue its policy. They could be simply counted on their fingers. Now, since the very first Soviet occupation, Moscow has been helping a much larger number of Lithuanians. This also dramatically changes the possibilities of national resistance.
It is true that in reality, especially after a long period of occupation of foreigners, the limits of resistance and cooperation are less pronounced. A large number of well-known fighters of national resistance are in the army of the Lithuanian Partisan and Komsomol troops (the living torch, Romas Kalanta, was also a Communist League). Konrad Valenrod was the creature of Adam Mickiewicz’s creative imagination in the fights of old Lithuania in the face of the crusaders. Konrad Valenrod is the real reality of many parable cast parties in today’s struggle for freedom in Lithuania. The constructed prime minister V. Krėvė-Mickevičius called the People’s Government at the beginning of occupation then called himself Conrad Valenroda. The fighters of this type are moving resistance to the inside of the subterranean apparatus. It is precisely for this reason that today’s resistance seems heavier,
It is almost impossible to briefly cover the past forty years of freedom struggle in Lithuania. Fighting in the heat. There is no time to write stories. Written history is based not on live events, but on events, descriptions, notes, acts, documents, and sources. No sources, no history. What the enemy writes and publishes is only his efforts to deal with the Lithuanian resistance. In the history of combat, usually over-documented tracks leave no setbacks or losers. Successful secrets of secret resistance remain an undisclosed secret that is always fraught with conspiracy with itself. It is not possible to record and accumulate documents in concerted combat conditions. In this way, not all resistance actions, even the most significant, fall into history. Few documents to collect.
It can not be argued that freedom fighters of our time would not be completely indifferent to leave a trace of their own writing. From the beginning underground press is used as one of the most effective weapons in the struggle for freedom of Lithuania. This is a very valuable source. However, there are often no conditions for collecting and preserving it. Particular attention was paid to the collection of material by participants in the partisan fight, but many of their archives fell into the hands of the enemy and killed not one fighter. A recent example of Barys Gajauskas shows who is waiting for the one who is trying to win the freedom fight documents in Lithuania today. It does not seem dangerous to write about it abroad, but there is an even shortage of documents and sources.
However, this is not completely impossible. It shows in 1964 The one-on-one resistance of 25 years old, published by Neh Sudwi in the United States, is by far the only attempt of that kind, which today needs to be complemented by a review of the last fifteen years.
At the beginning of the resistance, there was no resistance: on June 15, 1940, the Red Army took Lithuania without resistance. Our then government ordered “the troops and residents not to interfere with the movement of the Soviet Union’s army in the territory of Lithuania”, the president went abroad when the majority of the Cabinet ministers did not accept the proposal of the President of the Republic A. Smetona to symbolically resist the weapon. It was a wise political act that deprived the abusers of the possibility of using the president to cover the violence, but as a protest was a private act, because Smetona did not make any public statement.
Significant personalities such as V. Krėvė-Mickevičius, E. Galvanauskas, gen. V. Vitkauskas or gen. The participation of S. Raštikis in the marionette “People’s Government” or cooperation with her, the silence of Lithuanian diplomatic missions abroad for more than a month, the silence of the society, the discipline of society, in keeping with the government’s commitment to respect and continue work – all this left the nation with a torturous impression of guilty, which, after 40 years not completely extinct, although a couple of thousands of rebels were repossessed immediately after a year after the initial giving up without a shot and without a famous protest.
In a few days from afar in France, watching the agony of independent Lithuania, the poet Jonas Aistis expressed the overwhelming voice of conscience in the following ways:
One drop of blood will wash you,
But you will hardly miss him –
Although we stood for strength from the great old days, it was not enough to keep
our promise …
One word would have defended you,
hardly a single one you miss – Although we all promised to die for our homeland, it was not enough to keep
our promise. . .
It is not enough to take the words of the poet that the word “one by one” would have been able to defend Lithuania from the Soviet aggressor at a later time, but these words condescendingly express the sympathy of the nation’s heartbeat due to the initial non-opposition. After all, there was no shortage of serious warnings on the eve of the tragedy. The words of warning by Antanas Maceina in 1940 sounded prominently. At the beginning:
A nation that does not defend its independence by saying that it will not hide anything is not worth living. The loss of independence in the fight is the historical basis for regaining it.
The denial of independence without a fight is a historical argument for it to never be overcome.
(XX Century, 10.10.1940)
Peace is not the highest value of life. The freedom of the nation, its ability to create and develop are higher values that can not be sacrificed to maintain peace. Honorable death is more valuable than dishonest peace, which usually goes away and death is only unfair.
(XX Century, 1939.XII.28)
Earlier in 1939 immediately after the loss of Klaipėda – the Commander of the Lithuanian Armed Forces assured the troops and the people:
. . . We are well aware that independence is the most valuable asset of the nation, which must be protected by all means, that is, also weapons. In this fight, it is better to die honorably, or even to use this armed struggle to defeat a stronger enemy, but not to give up helplessly.
Why? Because the blood thrown in such a battle will be a productive soil, from which new forces and new arguments will rise in the struggle for the freedom and independence of their people. That is why we have no doubt about our independence and we are not afraid to publicly and frankly say that if the present conditions of our lands are endangered, we will not give in any way …
(S. Raštikis, Fighting for Lithuania, I, 546)
With these and similar words bearing in mind, the poet Aistis was able to complain a little – “although we all promised to die for our homeland, we did not keep our promise.” This was the irony of the fate that not only did not oppose the commander of our Armed Forces during the crucial hour but for some time headed the liquidation commission of the Ministry of National Defense, although he did not have to, left abroad and joined the organization of the opposition movement.
The non-repression of the enslavement of Lithuania on June 15, 1940, has historically become a horrific example of our history, which means not initially opposed to injustice. All subsequent sacrifices and heroic hikes do not let that fact be forgotten.
Nevertheless, the initial resistance was a regular phenomenon. First of all, it reflected the nation’s discipline, order, and peace of mind. These are very high civil virtues, although not the highest values in people’s lives. Secondly, the glory of the Soviet aggressor and the ability to take advantage of the imperfections of our state life, in their turn, fueled illusions and begun to give up and cooperate with the enemy. By the way, returning Vilnius and the additional areas of Vilnius region. Sow The Union played Lithuanian friendship. Thirdly, the most favorable time was chosen for aggression when Hitler’s military machine swept France and threatened England. The world in those days was too excited about events on the Western front, that he would have been interested in the fate of the three small Baltic states.
The surrender was dictated from the country and from the top. The resistance came from the inside and from the bottom. It was caused by Soviet slavery, very quickly dropping masks. The rapid and reckless sovietization of the land, especially the massive terror of the repressive organs, persuaded that the surrender would lead to the destruction of the nation. The oppression excited the mass resistance of the nation, which appeared to be alive in all strata, but especially in young people.
Still 1940 In the summer, various underground groups began to knit interconnections, connecting to larger units. Students and foresters played a significant role here. At the beginning of October, a united opposition organization was formed, which soon became known as the Front of Lithuanian Activists (LAF) and recognized its founder’s post. K. Škirpa’s authority. 1941 In the spring, after joining the LAF’s activities at the Lithuanian Freedom Fighters’ Union, a joint combat command and a broadly branched out communication system with foreign and national boundaries were formed.
The LAF’s united resistance fight organization focused its efforts on preparing for an armed uprising. A great deal of contingency was asserted here by the fact that the Soviet-invaded gates would not last for a long time after the resumption of the Hitler-Stalin conspiracy. No fatigue. Although mass exterminations and arrests in the last few days greatly overwhelmed the military rebel leadership and underground relations, the German military campaign against Sow. The Union has given an impatience to the rebellion.
The German insurgents attacked the soldiers of the Red Army and announced the interim government of Lithuania, which lasted for six weeks. “In 1941, the uprising took away the charge of the nation that it voluntarily joined the Soviet Union and did not resist the abduction of the state. The rebellion gave a formal sign of the reconstruction of the state – the government” (Prof. J. Brazaitis-Ambrazevičius).
The first Bolshevik period was a period of great breakthrough for the Lithuanian people. The abolition of the sovereignty of the state of Lithuania, the return to the Russian Empire, the totalitarian oppression of Soviet communism, massive terror and deportations convinced the masses of the Lithuanian nation that peace was impossible under such conditions; Surrender and cooperation is the involvement in the crime of assailants and perpetrators. The only decent option is to defend and resist.
The manifestations of self-control alone led to organized efforts: new leaders emerged, which people needed a new position. The ruthlessness of the Bolshevik oppression and the strength of the forces led to the unity of the resistance fight organization LAF, while the possibility of a war of war turned it towards an armed uprising. The Bolshevik period meant a deep shock in the nation, demanded a massive sacrifice, but ended in a rebellious declaration of the will of the nation to regain the lost sovereignty of the Lithuanian Provisional Government.
The three-year German occupation clearly stands out as a separate period in the history of the struggles of our freedom, with its distinct secrets. Another enemy, different oppression, and resistance.
Hitler Germany’s unfairness was well known to Lithuania. This was evidenced by the economic boycott,
the deportation of Klaipėda, the transfer of Lithuania in Sow. Union influence sferon. Only the fierce Bolshevik occupation values Lithuanian people to look at the marching German soldiers as their own liberators. However, the Germans did not look at Lithuania as a liberated, but conquered land, behaved accordingly, did not recognize the rebel Vietnamese interim government, introduced a civilian occupation power and turned Lithuania into a part of the General Commissariat of Ostland.
The brutal treatment of the population, in particular mass murder of the Jews, finally revealed the face of the new occupier. The interim government stopped its operation after six weeks. The LAF went public for some time. He wrote a memorandum to the Reich Government on September 20, 1941, against the introduction of the civil warrant and the denial of Lithuania’s independence. The next day, LAF Commissioner L. Prapuolenis was arrested and sent to Dachau concentration camp. The LAF closed on September 22.
The Nazi occupation in Lithuania was lighter than the Bolshevik, partly due to the fact that under conditions of the war of war, the Germans failed to concentrate enough repressive forces to suppress the disobedient Lithuanian people. This circumstance also reacted to the unity of the resistance organization. The Nationalist Party has been trying for a while for public action. Since the separation of the LAF from the LAF in October, it has issued an open letter to the negotiators and has gone over to underground work. The rest of the LAF was known as the Lithuanian Front (the name of LF This was first appeared at one end of September.
The activities created a strong underground press that played a very important role throughout the German occupation: it did not allow the farmer to rob the occupied land and hand over workers to the German military industry and the front of the soldiers. The greatest victory of resistance was the boycott of the SS legion in 1943. After that, the intensified German repression forced the underground groups to hear and restore the united combat leadership, which called the Central Liberation Committee of Lithuania (VLIK).
The first proclamation to the nation in 1944 VLIK proclaimed
. . . Sovereign Lithuanian state than the Soviets
The Union, or the current occupation of the Reich, has not disappeared, only the functioning of sovereign state organs is temporarily impeded. 1940 June 15 Acts of the sovereign organs of the Rainbow State were interrupted by other acts of force and forcibly committed by violence in the Soviet Union during the occupation of that occupation in 1941. June 23 The rebellion of the people and the operation of the Provisional Government were temporarily rebuilt. ”
Lithuania was rebuffed from the world in the course of the German occupation, but partly because of this, there was an endless confidence in Western democracies, in particular the Atlantic Charter, which relied on the hope of underground organizations,
that in the course of the war there could be a similar situation, as at the end of the First World War, when the weaknesses of Russia and Germany weakened, the small peoples were free to live. To this end, various military organizations have been established. Particularly significant was in 1944. spring gen The formation and collapse of the Local Team organized by P. Plechavicius with the approval of the underground leadership. “All these organizations had the same goal – the struggle for an independent Lithuania.
All had a similar vision for the future: the war on the German prosperity, when they were suppressed, the Lithuanians should be ready to take over their land, keep it in balance during the transition, protect them from possible Soviet forces, and let war evacuated, invasion ”
The tactics of Lithuanian resistance during the German occupation are the prominent resistance writer Dr.A. The Harmonious later described it as follows: “In the Lithuanian situation, it was more important to maintain national honesty and autonomy, denying the methods of barbaric Nazism, for the young people being arrested from the Nazi SS legion, and it was not possible to arrange it in Lithuania, and the theory of the Nazi race was drowned. Lithuanians do not listen to their prescriptions but the underground press. ”
After the German occupation, not all of Europe’s nations have regained their national freedom. The hardest part was for the Baltic States, which were forced back into Sov. The Union, does not have any external autonomy left to other Eastern European countries.
The three-year german occupation in Lithuania has strengthened the nation’s self-confidence. The lesson of initial resistance, in particular the massive experience of Bolsheviks and Nazi terror, has led the people of Lithuania to actively resist the returning Soviet troops to the returnees of the Germans. 1944 In the summer, Lithuanians met her exactly as they did in 1941. accompanied by partisans’ shootings, although the Germans, having left the Local Election, were to the very least hindered the organization of the Lithuanian Armed Forces. Thousands of Lithuanians in 1944 Before the new Bolshevik occupation, he was “barefooted” when he left abroad.
The resistance from the first day to the second Soviet occupation was facilitated by a network of underground press and organizations surrounded by the country. This fight has not been broken until today. The journey can be divided into three periods.
1944-1956 – open armed resistance;
1956-1968 – reorganization and adaptation to changed conditions; since 1968 until today – public defense of religion and other basic human rights.
All of these three periods are related, but complex in their own way, and reflect the interplay between multiple internal and external forces.
For the first decade of the postwar period, Lithuania was characterized by armed resistance of the “forest brothers”, which lasted until Stalin’s death, and finally ended in the year of the Hungarian uprising. It was a mass movement, initially united by the four main underground military organizations that were founded during the German occupation: Liberation Army (LLA), Kestutis, Iron Wolf and underground shooters. 1946 A uniform military and political leadership emerged in 1949. finally called the Lithuanian Freedom Battle Movement (LLKS).
The partisans, their banners and sponsors were active throughout and beyond the republic’s territory. The masses of Sąjūdis are evidenced by figures: about 50,000 dead and several hundred thousand left for Russia and Siberia. The Soviet government attempted to crack down on the massive terrorist means: in the squares of cities and towns, the bodies of the criminals and returnee fighters laid down, their relatives and supporters arrested and trusted, ruthlessly plundered and collectivized the Lithuanian countryside, at which time a large part of the Lithuanian population and partisan bases were concentrated. The West then was busy with the treatment of their wounded wounds and completely indifferent to the Soviet self-styled peoples of Eastern Europe. Lithuania was no exception here. The exception was, in fact, the long-lasting armed resistance in Lithuania. The last commanders of the LLKS: General Vytautas was arrested in 1953,
Hungarian tragedy, which the people of Lithuania deeply experienced in 1956. in the autumn, killed the last hope of gaining some effective help from the West’s freedom in the fight against the Soviet advance. Our people were too reliant on the Atlantic Charter’s promises and did not believe in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam’s bargains. Having lost a lot of blood and suffering heavy losses in the armed resistance struggle, although it was not completely defeated, and, above all, did not allow Suslov in Lithuania to repeat what he did to the disobedient Caucasian nations, however, it was hard to make sure that a small nation with a gun in one hand could not for a long time to resist the Soviet empire.
After 1956 the Lithuanian resistance changed its tactics from the basics. There were new slogans: to adapt to reality, intrinsically, to take the power of the oppressors from the inside – a party and thus achieve what it was impossible to win an armed struggle. There are also other slogans of that period: openly do not resist, be less than the cuttings of grass, cooperate with the occupier, make a career, occupy influential places and become entrenched in them.
It was easier to achieve such a reorganization in the nation, when the opponent in turn changed tactics from the ground. Khrushchev abolished mass terrorist measures, allowed former prison camp prisoners and exiles to return home. Retirement after 1956 and the continuing silence from the West, fully embraced by the motto of the “peaceful coexistence”, also contributed to the illusion that it would be possible to escape from internal co-operation with the occupation oppression apparatus. This illusion was finally scattered by the events of Czechoslovakia in 1968. The attempt to adapt to the regime’s external regime, “to spread” and “to make” the Communist Party and, on its basis, relaxed from Moscow turned out to be futile. Inevitably, we had to look for new paths of resistance.
In the name of truth, it should be noted that in the course of the adaptation period, active resistance fireplaces have been thrown.
For example, Petras Paulaitis, who was imprisoned until today in prison, in 1958 Convicted for trying to revive the leadership of the LLKS with seven students. Another example: from the same Jurbarkas area as Paulaitis, then the schoolboy, aged 13, Angelė Račaitė (later Paškauskienė), in 1962 was suspected of security in the distribution of patriotic leaflets, long-term injuries to psychiatric hospitals, heart disease and the harassment of the population.
1956-1968 The period of the underground “Aušra” (No. 12) described as follows: “After the end of the partisan struggles in Lithuania, the resistance of the occupants was supposedly suppressed for some time. The activity of the Catholic Church was also paralyzed, but there was no silence in the graves, as there were demonstrations every year in Kaunas cemetery The demo is described by V. Rimkevičius in the novel “Students”). ”
About 1968 protests began a new period: a public battle for fundamental human rights. The fighters deliberately and consistently abandon violence. They struggle with weapons of persuasion, personal sacrifice and spiritual superiority. The enemy is responding to the calculated intimidation actions using refined methods of individual treatment, such as closing down in a psychiatric hospital, demonstration cases that are fundamentally different from those of the
The new phenomenon of this period is a marked shift in Western posture. The world community, having abandoned its present indifference and silence, is beginning to condemn the victims, and is often quite effective. A new phenomenon and the solidarity that has emerged between human rights activists from different countries, including Russian dissidents.
1947 Representatives of the fighting Lithuania wrote to Pope Pius XII: “We die but we want to hear the word of your consolation and the killing of the Catholics of the world that our children will no longer suffer from slavery of the spirit” (Juozas Daumantas, Partisans). Those words did not get the answer. But today’s pope shows much favor to Lithuanians. Lithuania receives examples of good Catholic solidarity in the world (Nijole Sadūnaitė’s case). But most importantly, the prayers of post-war dying people have been heard: their children, the current Lithuanian youth, do not care to tolerate the joy of spiritual slavery. It testified to the live flaming torches.
May 14, 1972, in Rome, flames of the nineteenth century were flooded by Romas Kalanta, shouting “Freedom for Lithuania!” Then, for a couple of days, thousands of young demonstrators recited the motto of his heart. Four days later, on May 18th, 24-year-old Stonys were burnt in Varna. May 24 – Thirty-year-old employee Cerneckis. The elder generation did not resist the youth: June 3 – 60-year-old worker Andriuskevicius, followed by 62 years old. Worker Zališauskas .. The list of live burns is incomplete. 1960.VIII.10 the 19th anniversary of Antanas Kalinauskas congested.
The current fighters sacrifice their lives but not the lives of others. There they are different from the fighting weapon. No one can doubt the will of their sacrifice.
Other fighters are choosing a different path of sacrifice. These are those who since 1972 allows the Chronicle of the Catholic Church in Lithuania to boldly proclaim the unshakable truth of the government censors. The Chronicle is not the only Lithuanian underground newspaper today. Although only a small part of the informal press goes to the West, it impressively shows a strong resistance spirit.
The Catholic Church stands in front of the public struggle for human rights. 1979 At the beginning, 522 Lithuanian priests and two bishops signed public declarations not to comply with Soviet laws contrary to the teachings and provisions of the Church.
Fighting not only the Church and man but also the rights of the nation. Glad poet and scientist Mindaugas Tomonis in 1975 At the 25th Congress of the Soviet Union, the 25th Congress proposed to carry out the “revolution of humanity” – to condemn the incorrect aspects of the foreign policy of Stalin’s time, as the elimination of the three Baltic States – Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. “We Lithuanians – according to Tomonius – have had a common history with Poland for many years, we do not want to live worse in terms of cultural worthiness than Polish or Negro neighbors … Recalling that until now the initiative on state administration had in fact only the supreme governing party apparatus officially I declare that, like many other my fellow countrymen, I do not recognize the status of a socialist Lithuanian SSR. On the basis of Article 15 of the Constitution of the LSSR,
The request by Mindaugas Tomonis for the “Revolution of Humanity” ended in his personal tragedy. 1975.XI.5 he was found dead on the railroad tracks. His train of ideas did not work. In 1979 VIII.23, they reiterated the 45 memorandums issued by Moscow demanding the elimination of the consequences of the Molotov and Ribbentrop secret deals in the Baltic republics and allowing the people of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to freely decide.
We looked at the 40th anniversary of the struggle for resistance and freedom in the eyes of the bird’s eye. Among the many untold events, Lithuanians are also eager to contribute their contribution. How superficial and incomplete this review is, it testifies to the ongoing struggle for resistance and freedom of Lithuania. The world has changed dramatically over the past 40 years. We changed our enemies. We also changed our resistance, fighting organizations, measures and methods, shapes and positions. The great injustice of our nation has survived, the unconsciousness of the will, the determination not to give up, the desire to be Lithuanians, to live and build Lithuanian in our own country remained. Fight is unfinished, goes on. Forty years of extinction is not just a never-ending set of painful defeats. There are many wonderful achievements in it.
“It is possible that those Lithuanian sons and daughters who have fulfilled their duty to Homeland can rest in peace and dignity, especially those who have even sacrificed life. It is a common conscience for those who are in prison, in camps, for extermination, and we all have to seriously ask ourselves: is it Am I conscious, a good Lithuanian? Do I not shame on my homeland? Do not I suggest that the occupants cut it down, subdued it, ruin it morally? What have I sacrificed on her freedom and honorary altar? ” (Ausra, 15).